Marshall, M., "`Four Hundred Rabbits': An Anthropological View of Ethanol as a Disinhibitor," pp. 186-204 in Room R., and Collins, G., eds., Alcohol and Disinhibition: Nature and Meaning of the Link (Research Monograph No. 12), U.S. Dept. of Health and Human Services, Rockville, MD, 1983, p. 200.

"In Truk, the life cycle of drinking finds the same men behaving in strikingly different ways when drinking, according to their age and to social expectations about what their appropriate behavior at that age ought to be. Young men, out to build public reputations for `bravery' and `strong thought,' engage in brawls and other displays of bravado; by their midthirties, as they leave the `young man' category, they give up this arresting style of drunken comportment even though they continue to drink as much as before. As they move into the `mature man' age category, they are expected to demonstrate more responsibility and are publicly ridiculed if they continue to behave as `young men' when drinking."

Marshall, "`Four Hundred Rabbits,'" pp. 192-193.

"Schaefer (1973) examined ethnographic reports about drinking behavior for a probability sample of 60 small-scale and folk societies. He found that men get drunk either occasionally or often in 46 of these 60 societies. But, he found men involved in drunken brawls in only 24 of the societies. So, in a worldwide sense, it seems that alcohol-related aggressive behavior -- as measured by male involvement in drunken brawls -- is about as likely to be present as it is to be absent."

Levinson, D., "Alcohol Use and Aggression in American Subcultures," pp. 306-321 in Room R., and Collins, G., eds., Alcohol and Disinhibition: Nature and Meaning of the Link (Research Monograph No. 12), U.S. Dept. of Health and Human Services, Rockville, MD, 1983, p. 306.

"Cross-cultural evidence from diverse populations around the world shows that some have habitual drunkenness with little aggression, others show aggression only in specific drinking contexts or against selected categories of drinking companions, and so forth. Such widespread and diverse variation contradicts the view -- shared by both `common sense' and much scientific writing -- that characterizes alcohol as having a relatively direct pharmaconeurological effect in triggering aggression."

Heath, D.B., "Alcohol and Aggression," pp. 89-103 in Gottheil, E., et al. Alcohol, Drug Abuse and Aggression, Charles C Thomas, Springfield, IL, 1983, p. 89.

"Interestingly enough, even in our own society, aggression seems never to be an important component in the image of drunken comportment on the part of women."

Heath, "Alcohol and Aggression," p. 92.

"The Camba of Bolivia have gained considerable notoriety in the alcohol literature because more of them drink, they drink more often, and they drink more of the most potent alcoholic beverage in customary usage anywhere in the world, yet they have virtually no social, psychological, or economic problems in connection with drinking.... There is no verbal or sexual aggression, no destruction of property, no drunken homicide or suicide. On the contrary, drinking is a time for cordiality and easy social interaction that are rare in other times of their lives...."

Heath, "Alcohol and Aggression," p. 93.

"Consider the frequency with which beer drinking in taverns results in expressions of aggression. Then consider the frequency with which wine drinking at `singles bars' results in expressions of aggression.... Or, conceivably, the blood alcohol levels could even be in inverse relation to expressions of aggression if we compare beer in taverns to martinis at business luncheons or at cocktail parties."

Heath, "Alcohol and Aggression," p. 97.

"In our society wine is clearly considered the beverage of choice for integrative social occasions. Its use is associated with sociability and the enhancement of pleasure...and is almost always moderate in nature. Few, if indeed any, major alcohol-related problems are thought to arise from the consumption of wine. Wine is deemed most appropriate for consumption at home, usually during mealtime -- which, it should be noted, is yet another drinking occasion that has been related to moderate alcohol intake...."

Klein, H., "Cultural Determinants of Alcohol Use in the United States," pp. 114-134 in Pittman, D.J., and White, H.R., eds., Society, Culture, and Drinking Patterns Reexamined, Rutgers Center of Alcohol Studies, New Brunswick, NJ, 1991, p. 129.

"In the `Mom and Pop' community bar, the men were quiet and deferential in their dealings with older members of the Charlestown [Mass.] community. But, in Boston's downtown `combat zone' -- an area designated for `adult entertainment,' [the same men] exhibited their rowdiest behavior, getting involved in a loud argument, a fight involving a gun, and a run-in with the police."

Levinson, D., "Alcohol Use and Aggression in American Subcultures," pp. 306-321 in Room R., and Collins, G., eds., Alcohol and Disinhibition: Nature and Meaning of the Link (Research Monograph No. 12), U.S. Dept. of Health and Human Services, Rockville, MD, 1983, p. 314.