Good Mood: The New Psychology
of Overcoming Depression
Albert Ellis and Aaron Beck explain most depression as due to poor thinking
and distorted interpretations of present reality. And they analyze the present
operation of the mechanism without delving into the past causes of such bad
thinking. They believe that just as a student can be taught to do valid
social-science research in a university, and just as a child in school can
improve his or her information-gathering and reasoning with guided practice,
so can depressives be taught better information- gathering and processing, by
education in the course of psychotherapy.
Indeed, it is reasonable that if you judge your situation in the light of a
biased sample of experience, an incorrect "statistical" analysis of
your life's data, and an unsound definition of the situation, you are likely
to misinterpret your reality. For example, anthropologist Molly H. was often
depressed for long periods of time whenever one of her professional papers was
rejected by a professional journal. She ignored all her acceptances and
successes, and focused only on the present rejection. Ellis' and Beck's sort
of "cognitive therapy" trained Molly to consider a wider sample of
her life experience after such a rejection, and hence reduced her sadness and
shortened her depressed periods.
Burns prepared an excellent list of the main ways that depressed patients
distort their thinking. They are included as an after note to the chapter.
Poor childhood training in thinking, and subsequent lack of schooling, may
be responsible for an adult's misinterpretation of reality in some cases. But
the lack of strong relationship between, on the one hand, amount of schooling,
and on the other hand, propensity to depression, casts doubt on poor mental
training as a complete explanation in many cases. More plausible is that a
person's fears cooperate with poor training. Few of us reason well in the
midst of panic; when fire breaks out few of us think as clearly about the
situation as if we were sitting quietly, and coolly considering such a
situation. Similarly, if a person greatly fears failure in school or
profession or in an interpersonal relationship because the person was severely
punished for such failure when young, then the fear may panic the person into
poor thinking about such an occurrence when it happens. The genesis and cure
of such poor thinking will be discussed in following sections.
Sometimes a current major catastrophe such as loss of a loved one, a
physical disability, or a tragedy in the community, triggers depression.
Normal people recover from grief, and find satisfying lives again, and in a
"reasonable" length of time. But a depressive may not recover. Why
the difference? It is reasonable to think that experiences in the past
predispose some people to remain in depression after a tragedy whereas others
recover, as discussed in Chapter 5.
Grief deserves attention because, as Freud put it, the person's sad
feelings in ordinary depression are like those in grief. And indeed,
his observation is consistent with the view of this book that sadness results
from a negative comparison of actual and benchmark states. The benchmark event
in the grief after the loss of a loved one is the wish that the loved one is
still alive. Grief in the normal person also resembles depression in that the
sadness is more prolonged than the normal person suffers after less
catastrophic events. But the depressive may not recover from his grief at all,
in which case we properly call it depression. Freud's analogy of depression
with grief is otherwise not helpful, however, because it is the difference between
depression and grief--as between depression and all other sadness from which
people recover quickly--that is important, rather than any special similarity
between depression and grief.
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